Themes of My Work

 
 

MEDIA & TECHNOLOGY

 

NEW TECHNOLOGIES; PHONOGRAPHS AND PLAYER PIANOS Excerpt from “Sound, Knowledge, and the ‘Immanence of Human Failure’”

The player-piano has not aged well. Today, it seems like a curious mechanical stopover on the route from manual music making to digital storage and playback. To the extent that it is remembered at all, it is usually cast as a historical also-ran, a postscript to the age of the piano, a foil to the more dramatic advent of the phonograph. Yet the culture of the mechanical reproduction of music does not belong to the phonograph alone. To wit, in 1900, by which time both the phonograph and the player-piano were widely known, many more people saw the player-piano as a revolutionary cultural force and the phonograph as a mere trifle than the other way around. It is a myopic view of history that sees only the triumph of the phonograph and the fading of the player-piano. In the formative years of what Douglas Kahn has called the “century of sound,” the two technologies emerged in tandem, both resting on a deeper history of musical mechanization. The cultural and commercial development of the phonograph was to a significant extent inseparable from that of the player-piano, and the myriad questions—legal, cultural, phenomenological—raised by recording and mechanical reproduction were generally associated with not one but both technologies. For example, in the congressional hearings that led to the landmark Copyright Act of 1909, which formed the basis of U.S. copyright law for most of the twentieth century, player-pianos and phonographs factored into the discussions on relatively equal terms, and the final law, which established the doctrine of “mechanical rights” for the payment of royalties on recordings of copyrighted musical material, was crafted to take both technologies into account. If the legacy of the Victrola has been more historically conspicuous, we would do well to remember that its name was a deliberate play on Pianola, the trademarked design of the leading player-piano company.

 
  • None of this is to belittle or deny importance of the phonograph, but rather to suggest a thicker, more multifarious account of the historical development of sound recording and the modern soundscape of capitalism. Music lies at the center of this reinterpretation, because music has had an especially large effect on the form and meanings of the mechanical reproduction of sound generally. In the era of mechanically reproduced sound, the political economy of music rested on the player-piano and the piano, as well as on the phonograph. Scrutinizing the latter, theorists such as Adorno, Attali, and Kittler have done much to draw out the deep interconnectedness of music, sound, technology, and power. They, along with a growing number of number of historians and other scholars, have shown that listening is a culturally constituted practice, with both a politics and an ethics. Too strict a focus on the phonograph has serious consequences, however. It obscures a broader, deeper, more complex set of changes of which the mechanical reproduction of sound was a part.

 

MUSIC AS A TECHNOLOGY Excerpt from Instrument of War

Then as now, music was primarily understood as a form of aesthetic expression, but we might also think of the sounds of drummers, buglers, and fifers in another way: as a military technology. That is, if we understand technology not just as hardware but as the way things are made and done (as one classic definition put it), we see music in a new light when we recognize it as a phenomenon that existed to make war. Field music was an instrument crafted by, and at the disposal of, the state for achieving specific military objectives. In these circumstances, what music did was as important as how it sounded—which is not to say it was devoid of aesthetic “content,” just that its presence depended on its effects within and for the military as an institution. In short, field music was a system of sounds and practices used to control and discipline soldiers’ bodies—a “technology of power,” the philosopher Michel Foucault would have called it—a way to get millions of individuals in very specific places, doing very particular things, at very exact times, even at the risk of their own lives. Not all soldiers heard, understood, and respected every aural command, but generally, field music achieved these ends with a high degree of effectiveness.

 
 

CARUSO AND THE PHONOGRAPH Excerpt from Selling Sounds

The new musical culture was one in which celebrity would have a starring role. As Caruso showed, this prominence would be based on two complementary elements, like oppositely charged particles in an atom: the star system and charisma. The first element created or expanded interest in a performer through deliberate, systematic strategies, while the other functioned idiosyncratically, on a sub-rational level. In contrast to the music industry’s sophisticated promotional apparatus, charisma operated outside the structures and values of everyday life and indeed defied them. It was not tied to rational or traditional forms of authority and for that reason offered a release from them. Charisma charted its own course, without respect to law or custom. It paid no heed to worldly responsibilities like work and family and was capable of eliciting intense, even ecstatic, effects. In the case of Caruso, these effects may have been all the more acute for being experienced principally through the ear, then resonating through the body and leaving much else to the imagination of the listener.

  • To be sure, Caruso was hardly the first musical figure to inspire passionate reactions, and his fame had some important antecedents. Jenny Lind and Franz Liszt, for example, both aroused frenzied excitement on their nineteenth- century tours and benefited from shrewd, conscious professional promotion (in Lind’s case by P. T. Barnum, in Liszt’s case by himself ). Toward the end of the century, Paderewski’s towering reputation owed an important debt to Steinway & Sons and the company’s prominent use of his name and image in its advertising. In the same years, John Philip Sousa’s distinctive stature was the work, in part, of his manager David Blakely, whose canny manipulation of the media was thoroughly modern in both conception and execution. Sousa also came across as a distinctly masculine figure, his marches, his martial dress, and his disciplined codes of performance all contributing to a musical style that diverged sharply any characterization of music as essentially feminine.

    Caruso’s fame, however, differed from that of earlier celebrated musical performers. Its engine was the promotion of a specific commercial product. In its strong association with advertising and a single manufacturer, it most resembled the relationship between Steinway and Paderewski, but Caruso’s fame was directed with an innovative sophistication and on a scale far beyond what Steinway effected. Moreover, no precedent or analogue existed for Caruso’s impact on the culture and economy of the phonograph. Paderewski was a boon to Steinway, but his in fluence on the perception of pianos, which were already popular and well respected, was marginal. Conversely, Sousa’s band made commercial recordings in the 1890s, but these did not factor strongly into his renown or that of the machine. Indeed, only Caruso’s fame benefited from being systematically advanced through the retail economy of celebrity-based musical merchandise. “The reputation and popularity of Victor artists is a large factor in the merchandising of their Records,” the company explained to dealers, “Their fame is really one of the things you deal in, and yet one that costs you nothing. Therefore, it is to your advantage when that fame is widespread.” Victor’s advice to dealers regarding Caruso was more direct: “Push Caruso—push his great big name (the biggest in the musical firmament) and his wonderful records for all their worth. . . . He is the one artist who stands alone.”